Notes and References
1. Freedom House, "The Comparative Survey of Freedom, 1997-1998," Freedom in the World, 1998.
2. David Hamburg, Annual Report Essays, 1983-1996 (New York: Carnegie Corporation of New York, 1997), p. 176.
3. Ambassador Owada has advocated that the G-7 (now Summit of Eight) more vigorously realize its character as "a forum for voluntary policy coordination among countries pursuing common policies based on shared values." See Hisashi Owada, "A Japanese Perspective on the Role and Future of the G-7," The International Spectator 39, No. 2 (April-June 1994).
4. John Lewis Gaddis, The Long Peace: Inquiries into the History of the Cold War (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987). Among other causes, Gaddis points to the importance of nuclear weapons and bipolarity.
5. For further discussion of this issue, see Owada, "A Japanese Perspective on the Role and Future of the G-7." By pax consortis, Owada refers to peace sustained by groups of states who share common democratic values and are willing to act, at least in certain arenas, to keep the peace.
6. Alain Destexhe, "The Third Genocide," Foreign Policy, no. 97 (Winter 1994-95), pp. 3-17.
8. For development of this proposition, see Commission on America's National Interests, America's National Interests, July 1996.
9. This point was demonstrated dramatically by former Russian Defense Minister Grachev in response to U.S. complaints about the presence of Russian peacekeepers in Transdniester. He invited the United States to replace Russians with its own troops-an invitation that was for his American counterparts clearly a showstopper.
10. See Gareth Evans, Cooperating for Peace: The Global Agenda for the 1990s and Beyond (St. Leonards, Australia: Allen & Ulwin, 1993) and "Cooperative Security and Intrastate Conflict," Foreign Policy, No. 96 (Fall 1994), pp. 3-20.
11. America's National Interests, p. 16.
12. Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, A Manual of the Public Benefactions of Andrew Carnegie (Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 1919).
13. Norman Angell, The Great Illusion (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1910).
14. Winston S. Churchill, The Aftermath (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1929).
15. See Graham Allison and Diane Curran, "Norms, Rewards, and Preventing Deadly Conflict: The 'European Approach' in Recent Practice," forthcoming.
16. One of the most promising approaches to the challenge presented by the African case is represented by the Japanese Initiative, reflected in the January 1998 Tokyo International Conference on Preventive Strategy, and in the further activity since the conference.
17. Ruth Leger Sivard, World Military and Social Expenditures 1996 (Washington, DC: World Priorities, 1996). Other sources that bear on these questions include: Peter Wallensteen and Margareta Sollenberg, "After the Cold War: Emerging Patterns of Armed Conflict," Journal of Peace Research, Vol. 32 (1995), pp. 345-360; Rudolph J. Rummel, "Power, Genocide, and Mass Murder," Journal of Peace Research, Vol. 31, No. 1 (February 1994), pp. 1-10; Melvin Small and J. David Singer, Resort to Arms: International and Civil Wars, 1816-1980 (Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage, 1982); J. David Singer and Melvin Small, Correlates of War Project: International and Civil War Data 1816-1992 (Ann Arbor, Michigan: Inter-University Consortium for Political and Social Research, 1994).
18. See SIPRI Yearbook 1998: World Armaments and Disarmament (London: Oxford University Press, 1998), p. 20. See also earlier editions for 1987-1997.
19. See Graham Allison, Owen Cote, Richard Falkenrath, and Steven Miller, Avoiding Nuclear Anarchy (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1996).
20. Japan's approach was outlined in the January 1998 Tokyo International Conference on Preventive Strategy.
21. William Perry, "Defense in an Age of Hope," Foreign Affairs, Vol. 75, No. 6 (November-December 1996), pp. 64-80.
22. See Michael Brown, ed., The International Dimensions of Internal Conflict (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1996).
23. Max Weber, Economy and Society (New York: Bedminster Press, 1968).
24. Shridath Ramphal, "Our Global Neighbourhood: Facing the 21st Century," address at Westminster Central Hall, London, 13 January 1996.
25. Jack S. Levy, "Domestic Politics and War," in Robert I. Rotberg and Theodore K. Rabb, eds., The Origin and Prevention of Major Wars (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1988), p. 88.
26. "Perpetual Peace" appears in Hans Reiss, ed., Kant's Political Writings, 2nd ed., trans. H.B. Nisbet (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1991). The following section draws on Joseph S. Nye, Jr., Graham T. Allison, and Albert Carnesale, eds., Fateful Visions: Avoiding Nuclear Catastrophe (Cambridge, Mass.: Ballinger, 1988), pp. 215-216. For the rediscovery of Kant, see also Michael Doyle, "Kant, Liberal Legacies, and Foreign Affairs, Parts 1 and 2," Philosophy and Public Affairs, Vol. 12, Nos. 3 and 4 (Summer and Fall 1983), pp. 205-235; 323-353.
27. See John R. Oneal and Bruce M. Russett, "The Classical Liberals Were Right: Democracy, Interdependence, and Conflict, 1950-1985," International Studies Quarterly, Vol. 41, No. 2 (June 1997), pp. 267-293.
28. For a selection of views for and against the existence of a democratic peace, see Michael E. Brown, Sean M. Lynn-Jones, and Steven E. Miller, eds., Debating the Democratic Peace (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1996). See also Miriam Fendius Elman, ed., Paths to Peace: Is Democracy the Answer? (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1997). A comprehensive rebuttal of the critics appears in Zeev Maoz, "The Controversy over the Democratic Peace: Rearguard Action or Cracks in the Wall?" International Security, Vol. 22, No. 1 (Summer 1997), pp. 162-198.
29. See Edward D. Mansfield and Jack Snyder, "Democratization and the Danger of War," International Security, Vol. 20, No. 1 (Summer 1995), pp. 5-38. For a rebuttal of this argument, see Michael D. Ward and Kristian S. Gleditsch, "Democratizing for Peace," American Political Science Review, Vol. 92, No. 1 (March 1998), pp. 51-61.
30. See Graham Allison and Philip Zelikow, Essence of Decision (New York: Longman Press, 1999), for their discussion of liberalism and the democratic peace hypothesis. See also Fareed Zakaria, "The Rise of Illiberal Democracy," Foreign Affairs, November-December 1997, p. 36, and John M. Owen, Liberal Peace, Liberal War: American Politics and International Society (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1997).
31. See Louis Henkin, "Law and Politics in International Relations: State and Human Values," Journal of International Affairs, Vol. 44, No. 1 (Spring 1990), pp. 183-209.
32. See also Abram Chayes and Antonia Chayes, The New Sovereignty: Compliance with International Regulatory Agreements (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1995).
33. For a beginning discussion of this issue, see Graham T. Allison, "Military Capabilities and American Foreign Policy," Annals of the American Academy (March 1973), pp. 17-37.